Student Reflection: Comparing Berlin to Erfurt

The post below was written by Christiana Robey, one of our five West Virginia University Communication Studies students attending SPICE 2019. 


Erfurt, DE -- The city of Berlin has such a rich history dating back to as early as 1183, however the period I, and most Americans, am most familiar with was the 20th century. During this century Berlin saw two World Wars, political unrest, and a complete separation of the city during the Cold War. However, through this tumultuous history Berlin has become the hub for diverse culture and tourism, which is an atmosphere much different than Erfurt. Although the small city of Erfurt has become the closest thing to home here in Germany, the promise of a large bustling city was intoxicating. So naturally when I realized the time to visit Berlin had finally arrived I was very excited.

When we arrived in Berlin it was dreary and cold, a fitting atmosphere for the painful history the city had seen. At the bus station hundreds of people were rushing around and speaking different languages. Unlike Erfurt, Berlin is so full of tourists that almost everyone I interacted with immediately switched to English or initiated the conversation in English. Many of the people in Erfurt are German-born, if not Erfurt-born, and they are established in their ways, which doesn’t always include American tourists blundering their way through daily German life. While Berlin is not the first place in Europe I have visited where English was easily accepted as a form of communication, it was however, the first time in Germany that the communication accommodation occurred without some strife from my counterpart. 

An authentic Berlin
currywurst, 
mit pommes.
In addition to the language accommodation there were also so many people in Berlin--far more than in Erfurt. While tourism definitely increased the number of individuals I saw during my trip there were also many people just commuting, working, eating, and living in Berlin, and many of these people were young adults. From a historical perspective, Berlin has been the center of artistic expression and underground movements like punk as well as the location of asylum for many immigrants since the 1960s. More recently Berlin has continued to be a city fueled by young people with German students coming to Berlin for university and jobs claiming it one of the most appealing cities for young people. This was still shocking because despite living 10 minutes from the Universität Erfurt there are very few young people in Erfurt. 

Another distinction I made between Erfurt and Berlin, and even east and west Berlin, while exploring the city was the age of the buildings. Much of Berlin suffered serious damage after the Second World War and while many buildings were restored to match their original architecture other portions of the city are completely modern. In Erfurt there are far more buildings that have been standing for hundreds of years and there are many that only suffered minimal damage during the war. There is also a divide in the buildings of the former east and west sides of Berlin. Unlike Allied occupied West Berlin,  East Berlin did not see as much repair after the war due to a poor economy in the DDR because of this there are buildings in the former East Berlin are marred with bullet holes and other damage. 

The final thing that struck me as different was the culture of Berlin. In a lot of ways Berlin reminded me of New York City--crammed with tourists, eclectic styles, and construction. Unlike Erfurt there were many more modern stores, nightclubs, and restaurants, and these establishments were open later than 20:00. Again the influence of tourism may play a role in the modernization of the city, but the city itself was also so diverse both in people and sights. From the currywurst to the spikey-haired strangers sitting on the road with a “help punk get drunk” sign, Berlin was full of so many adventures, and though the trip had some hiccups it was an experience I will never forget. 


Intercultural Adaptation Theory

Picture

Lubbock, TX -- As you've now been living in Germany for nearly two months, we should start thinking reflectively as to how we are adapting to our new surroundings. No doubt each of us is experiencing some different level of German culture as we continue to try new foods, speak new languages, and adapt to new customs. Perhaps the easiest part of international travel is recognizing that you are quickly in a culture not your own - it's usually a pretty exciting experience in the beginning (the "Honeymoon Stage") until the glitz and glamour wear off and you find yourself outside the comfort zone - for me, it was (of all things) drinking seltzer water (wasser mit gas) when I was expecting table water (still-wasser). This is an incredibly small thing to "shock" over, but even these small events have you questioning future interactions - trepidation over a drink order leads to scrutiny of a foreign food menus and drives many tourists to the local McDonald's over their local Gasthaus, as they experience a "Culture Shock" and look to regain control of their environment.

Two new ways that we might take a communication science approach to this would be a focus on "intercultural adaptation" and "intercultural competence." Let's break them down separately, and then I'll ask you guys to put them together in your weekly post. Note: This is your final theory post for 2018, so make it count! 

Intercultural Adaptation

The following blog offers recommendations on how to
overcome these awkward new moments. 
When thinking of intercultural adaptation, Cai & Rodriguez (1996) talk about how communication patterns might aid or hinder persons understanding their "new" cultural environment. Defined as "as the process through which persons in cross-cultural interactions change their communicative behavior to facilitate understanding" (pp. 34, which seems to have a lot of elements in common with Communication Accommodation Theory, yes?).

IA looks at how we might try to continually alter our communication patterns to reduce misunderstandings - a common example of this is using exaggerated hand gestures when trying to convey meaning to someone who speaks a different language. Why would this play into culture? The notion here is that cross-cultural encounters are the result of individuals from different backgrounds relying on their social norms in an encounter. Example: In the US it is acceptable to hug an old friend whereas in many parts of Europe you may see friends kissing each on both cheeks. In the US, a kiss might be construed as having much more intimacy or meaning, which can lead to a rather awkward pause and silence.

Of course, with experience we hope to get better at avoiding these misunderstandings - the same "American" from above might travel abroad in the future armed with this slight cultural knowledge and be better-prepared when old friends kiss him or her on the cheek. because their past experiences were rather positive (a kiss on the cheek represents a friendship, and this is a good thing). At the same time, not all experiences are positive and we can reinforce negative as well as positive interactions. Indeed, a common stereotype among US travelers can be how poorly they are treated when visiting France - often a result of miscommunication from a lack of language skills and Francophile culture. Said negative interactions with one cultural group can drive individuals away from future intercultural interactions or at least, cause them to be more guarded when meeting "foreigners" in the future.

What does this mean for intercultural communication? It suggests that many cultural interactions can be understood in terms of how we communicate ourselves. Moreover, it suggests that much of our communicative behaviors are best understood as a function of the culture from which we stem - understanding communication is understanding culture, and vice versa.

Intercultural Competence

Another way of thinking about how we are "working" interculturally is to focus on our competence, defined by Fantini (2005) as "the complex of abilities needed to perform effectively and appropriately when interacting with others who are linguistically and culturally different from oneself." An interesting distinction here is found between "effective" (how well we think we are doing) compared to "appropriate" (how well our hosts think we are doing). It is likely no secret that these perceptions can differ widely from each other, yet the better we are at detecting how our hosts are responding to our communication is the better we are at adapting ourselves to our new culture. Example: You might speak slowly and wave your arms while yelling at a barista to prepare you a milchekaffe (which you're probably still calling a coffee with milk, if you're taking this approach) and you'll likely get your coffee (effective communication) - yet this behavior is hardly going to endear you to your hosts (inappropriate communication). Thus, to truly be interculturally competent we must balance out effectiveness with appropriateness, which is not such an easy task.

Your assignment? For this week, I'd like you to make an honest reflection as to where you feel that you're fitting on both of these dimensions. Have you started to adapt to your surroundings? In the figure posted here, which "number" do you think you'd be? How would you honestly assess your own intercultural competence? How do you think that your "hosts" or broadly, Germans that you know, would rate your competence? Give me 300 to 400 words on this, and use the language from the theory (and the readings below) in your response.

Read more:

For your last days in Frankfurt ...final travel details

Berlin, DE -- Morning, folks! You're likely wrapping up your trip to Berlin now and in this case, I hope that you're enjoying your final day in the city. I'm writing to update you on the final days of SPICE and give you some tips on getting home safely and efficiently. A few notes:

  • Your last of classes is Sunday August 4. This will also be your last night in Erfurt, as you'll be spending Monday night (August 5) in Frankfurt. 
  • Your flights are all scheduled for various times on Tuesday August 6. 
To manage all of this, here's a suggested itinerary for you all: 
  • Very soon, contact SPICE (spice@uni-erfurt.de) to arrange for the group to check out of their apartments on Monday, August 5. Damien, you'll probably need to send a separate email and for other four students (since you're all sharing the same apartment), only one of you needs to email SPICE. I would send this email as soon as possible, so that you are on their checkout schedule. 
  • I would plan to leave Erfurt around lunchtime, after you've finished checking out of the apartments. If you have a day left on your passes, you can use this day to get from Erfurt to Frankfurt, and I would recommend the train below. UPDATE: I've made five seat reservations for the group, Wagen 23, Seats 71, 72, 73, 74, and 77. This spot also has a luggage rack next to it, and additional storage behind the seats!


    NOTE: If you all would like, I can make seat reservations for the group to use this train. If so, please let me know as soon as possible, as I will need to close the SPICE budget once I return to the US. 
  • The train above will put you at Frankfurt ab Main Hauptbahnhof around 2:36, which is great timing for checking into your hotel for the night. Your hotel is the ibis Styles Hotel Frankfurt City at Moselstraße 12, and a walking map from the train station to the hotel is included below. The walk should take no more than five to 10 minutes.

  • If you want to save yourself the exhaustion of lugging all of your bags to the hotel, you can use the storage lockers at the Frankfurt main station to store your larger bags overnight. I don't recall the price (it's only a few euros), but you are allowed to store bags for 24 hours
  • When you get to the hotel, each student has a reservation in their own last name, so please be sure to have your passport ready. 
  • As for what to do in Frankfurt? You'll definitely want to visit the Romer -- the old city center. From there however, you're in luck: you'll be in town for the final day of Mainfest 2019: https://www.frankfurt-tourismus.de/Media/Veranstaltungen/Mainfest-2019. Don't miss it! 
With all of this in mind, your final "job" is to get back to Frankfurt Flughafen so that you can all make your flights. My only advice here would be to (a) give yourselves plenty of time (at least three hours in advance of your boarding time) and (b) remember that you'll need to purchase a train ticket back to the airport -- although you could also consider booking an Uber or Lyft or even splitting a cab, given that you're five people. Some details on purchasing return train tickets on the local public train system: https://www.frankfurt-airport.com/en/travel/transfer.detail.suffix.html/article/travel/directions/local-public-transportation.html. To be safe, my recommendation would be to get up early and head over to the airport as soon as you can, as you can have breakfast and/or lunch there, as well as handle any last-minute souvenir shopping. 

I'll be back in the US during this time, so please reach out to me via email if you have any additional questions or concerns. Otherwise, safe travels and enjoy your last days in Germany! 

Cultural Convergence Theory

The term convergence is defined by Kincaid (2009) as "movement toward one point, toward another communicator, toward a common interest, and toward greater uniformity, never quite reaching that point." This last point - never quite reaching that point - is what distinguishes convergence from a singularity. As a popular corollary to US culture, you might consider convergence to be more like the salad bowl metaphor (separate parts, all in an US culture) as compared to the melting pot metaphor (separate peoples all blended together as one US culture).

Why converge at all? Converging to one point helps us create mutual understanding of who were are as a nation and a people - making sense of our borders as less geo-political and more socio-emotional. Kincaid's convergence model was initially meant to address shortcomings of transmission-based models of communication, but we can expand it to look at cultural convergence (a topic address thoroughly by MIT scientist Henry Jenkins, specifically in reference to social media and mass media "fandom" cultures). From the reading, we see two tenants of CCT at the aggregate (re: cultural) level:
Theorem 1: In a relatively closed social system in which communication among members is unrestricted, the system as a whole will tend to converge over time toward a state of greater cultural uniformity.
Theorem 2: In a relatively closed social system in which communication among members is restricted, the system as a whole will tend to diverge over time toward a state of greater cultural diversity.
So, when you think about communication so far - in particular, your interactions in Erfurt compared to other cities that we've visited(or that you've visited on your own) while in Europe? How might you define the cultural diversity of each location? Can you look at the cultural 'openness' and 'closedness' of each system and explain your thoughts about the diversity in each system (or lack thereof)? I'll look forward to your thoughts on this one.

NOTE:
The language in the Kincaid reading (below) is a bit tough to follow (including the theorems above), so I might suggest that for your write-up, you might:
  1. Select two different cities (consider comparing Erfurt to another major city, including a city back home). 
  2. explain how Erfurt and this other city could be understood as more of a "mixing bowl" or a "melting pot" type of culture, by comparing and contrasting the two.  
  3. draw on your understanding of the history and culture of these cities (and perhaps, their larger national history and culture) to explain your comparisons and contrasts. 
----------

Convergence Theory
·      The convergence theory of communication was developed in 1979 by D. Lawrence Kincaid to provide a general model of communication that would overcome the criticisms and shortcomings of prevailing models, especially information transmission models such as the one used in Shannon and Weaver's mathematical theory of communication. The model represented communication as (a) a process rather than a single action; (b) sharing or exchange of information rather than one-way transmission; (c) two or more participants in dialogue; (d) a means to clarify the confusion between information, knowledge, messages, symbols, and meaning; and (e) a self-correcting feedback process, defined dynamically as a diminishing series of corrections that enable communicators to converge on a goal. The theoretical implications of the convergence model became readily apparent, leading to theoretical propositions that could be tested empirically. It also became apparent that convergence, the general principle underlying the model, is central to many specific theories found in the field of communication.
Convergence is often mistakenly equated with consensus. Convergence is movement toward one point, toward another communicator, toward a common interest, and toward greater uniformity, never quite reaching that point. It is assumed, for example, that no two people can ever reach the same meaning for information, only a greater degree of similarity. In communication, the goal of this feedback process is mutual understanding, a reduction in the set of all possible individual understandings to a more limited one that is shared.
The Convergence Model
The latest version of the convergence model depicts a cyclical, iterative process involving at least two participants. Participants are connected by sharing the same information with one another. Information, lying at the central core of the model, is physical—something endowed with form. Sound waves created by the vocal chords, text messages on paper or sand, patterns on a television monitor, tone of voice, body language and position, and so forth are physical phenomena and hence potentially sources of information for communication. Limiting the concept of information to its physical manifestation makes it possible to treat it as the means by which thoughts and meaning are expressed and shared with others. Thoughts and meaning are defined purely as cognitive phenomena, which are psychological. The psychological realities toward which communicators converge consist of perceptions, interpretations, understandings, and beliefs. Emotional responses to information can affect each one of these cognitive processes. The relationship formed between participants by sharing information is social. Information is created and/or shared by the actions of two or more participants, groups, organizations, or cultures engaged in intergroup, inter-organizational, and intercultural communication. The collective action of individuals, including the coordinated actions required for communication itself, is also a source of information.
Power—the capacity to exercise control over others—is not an inherent part of communication per se but rather an attribute of the relationship between participants. To have an effect on communication, power must first be made apparent by means of information. Physical size, posture, tone of voice, clothing, titles, signs of wealth, and so forth provide information about the respective power of each participant. Power can also be communicated by overt threats of positive and negative sanctions, and ultimately by physical action (force) itself. Information that reflects power can also induce an emotional response, such as respect or fear, which in turn is expected to influence the communication process, increasing the likelihood that the position of the one with more power will be accepted.
In 2002, Kincaid introduced an extended model that allowed for divergence and conflict as well as convergence and cooperation. Communication as convergence or divergence consists of six phases: (1) a scene-setting phase that creates an informationally closed system for dialogue; (2) a buildup phase leading to final positions taken within a common frame of reference (mutual understanding); and (3) a resolution phase, in which participants mutually agree on a common position they trust each other to implement. Mutual understanding helps to ensure each participant's trustworthiness, but if flaws are revealed in the resolution stage, mistrust can arise and throw participants back into a new buildup phase with an increased possibility of (4) a climax phase, when emotion and reason do not lead to changes in position and mutual understanding, leading to (5) a conflict phase, in which neither participant will change and hence must resort to their threatened fallback positions. In the final (6) resolution phase, either cooperation or conflict is implemented. If participants agree on a common position that they can trust each other to implement, then the outcome will be cooperation.
Following this new model, communication is defined as a process in which two or more participants share information and converge toward a state of greater mutual understanding and agreement leading to cooperation or, as explained later in this entry, diverge toward a state of incompatible viewpoints and disagreement, leading to conflict. Cooperation requires some minimal level of mutual understanding and agreement. Even when conflict occurs, communication has still created a state of greater mutual understanding of each participant's point of view.
Convergence Theory at the Aggregate Level of Analysis
The most important principle of semantics is that there is no one-to-one correspondence between symbolic information and its meaning. If that were the case, a new symbol would be required for every different circumstance in which communication occurs. There are no perfectly equivalent circumstances, only variety. Meaning is possible because of variation, and that variation includes silence and the nonoccurrence of other symbols (e.g., “no” instead of “yes” or “maybe”). This semantic principle implies that information is a physical difference (pattern) that affects uncertainty in a situation in which a choice exists among a set of alternatives. When uncertainty is too high to permit one to decide (interpret or understand), then additional information is sought. This feedback process reduces the initial levels of uncertainty regarding each participant's interpretation and understanding, leading to an increased level of mutual understanding.
When the convergence model is applied at the aggregate level of analysis to groups, organizations, and cultures, then theoretical propositions can be proposed that use formulas for statistical averages and variances. Here the theory predicts that when messages constructed with multiple concepts are shared, the average position of each concept will converge on the statistical center. Thus, the association of concepts in a message leads to the mutualconvergence of all concepts toward one another. The average position of a set of measured concepts of two or more local subcultures that share information is expected to converge over time toward a global mean. This hypothesis was tested by measuring the average difference in the multidimensional space of Eastern and Western cultural values (e.g., individual freedom, saving face, happiness, success) of Korean immigrants who had lived in Hawaii from 1 to 15 years. During this period, a statistical measure of meaning of successive Korean immigrant cohorts converged toward that of the host culture in the form of damped harmonic motion, which is a statistical concept related to changes in variation. The results were also expressed mathematically as a convergence toward a state of greater uniformity (less diversity) of values, as measured by the reduction in the statistical variance.
This work led to the following two complementary convergence theorems for the aggregate level of analysis of communication in social networks, groups, organizations, and subcultures in a population:
Theorem 1: In a relatively closed social system in which communication among members is unrestricted, the system as a whole will tend to converge over time toward a state of greater cultural uniformity.
Theorem 2: In a relatively closed social system in which communication among members is restricted, the system as a whole will tend to diverge over time toward a state of greater cultural diversity.

Homogeneity of information leads to uniformity of belief and behavior; heterogeneity leads to diversity. For initially diverse subgroups who share information within a relatively bounded social system, the statistical variance around the mean of a continuous measure is expected to decrease over time, as the Korean immigrant case confirmed. If a boundary is imposed between two groups (restricting information sharing), then the variance of the system as a whole is expected to increase over time (toward greater diversity) and simultaneously decrease within each subculture around its local mean. Boundaries can be created by the lack of interpersonal contact (social network clustering), by lack of a common language, by the use of different channels of mass media, and by geographical barriers. Conversely, with less restricted information sharing, diversity decreases over time (hence, uniformity increases) [emphasis added].
In 1983, before the theorems were formally proposed, Everett Rogers and Kincaid measured the diversity of contraceptive behavior among women in 24 Korean villages. Because contraceptive practice is a discrete behavior, it was possible to calculate the percentage of adoption of each contraceptive method within the relatively bounded social networks of each village and then compute the average degree of diversity-uniformity. Surprisingly, the most popular method of birth control varied across the 24 villages: Some were predominantly oral-pill villages, others IUD villages, others condom villages, and so forth. In other words, the distribution of behavior within each village's social network appeared as if it had been a collective decision rather than the sum of many individual choices. The average uniformity-diversity was positively correlated with the degree of interconnectedness of the social networks within the village, a measure of the degree of restriction of information flow and absence of bounded clusters. Villages with less connected communication networks had a flatter, more diverse distribution of behavior; those with more densely connected networks had a narrower, more uniform distribution, which is characteristic of a prevailing social norm.
Bounded Normative Influence
The two convergence theorems are valid because of the nature of information processing and the role played by boundaries. When the boundary of a group expands to include new members with different points of view, diversity increases. When people who disagree leave, uniformity among those who remain automatically increases. At the same time, the group becomes more diverse with respect to outsiders. This convergence process is enhanced by bounded normative influence—the tendency of social norms to influence behavior within relatively bounded local subgroups of a social system rather than in the system as a whole. This cultural and social network principle resolves the paradox of how innovation (a new minority position) can survive the social pressure of the majority and eventually grow to become the new majority: subgroups insulate themselves by forming boundaries within which they are the majority, and they then expand by recruiting new members from the outside.
Bounded normative influence is evident in Gerry Mackie's explanation of how the deeply embedded social norm of women's foot binding in China was totally overcome in one generation at the beginning of the 19th century by the organization of cohesive, local societies in which families pledged to raise girls with natural feet and have their sons marry only girls with natural feet. In a recent network analysis of the 30-year decline of smoking in the United States, Nickolas Christakis and James Fowler discovered that while smoking declined overall, the size of clusters of those who continued to smoke remained the same across time (appearing progressively in the periphery of social networks), suggesting that clusters of connected people were quitting together. In their recent book The Big Sort, Bill Bishop and Robert Cushing described the profound ideological clustering and polarization that has been taking place in the United States over the past 30 years as a result of geographical mobility to places of like-minded people, a voluntary narrowing of exposure to cable television channels and Internet sites, and a growing unwillingness of people to be exposed to contrary points of view. All three societal changes can be explained by—and could have been predicted by—the two basic theorems of the convergence theory of communication.
—D. Lawrence Kincaid


Further Readings
Barnett, G. A. , & Kincaid, D. L. (1983). Cultural convergence: A mathematical theory. In W. B. Gudykunst (Ed.), Inter cultural communication theory: Current perspectives: Vol. VII. International and intercultural communication annual (pp. 171–194). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Kincaid, D. L. (1988). The convergence theory of communication: Its implications for intercultural communication. In Y. Y. Kim (Ed.), Theoretical perspectives on international communication: Vol. XII. International and intercultural annual (pp. 280–298). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Kincaid, D. L. Drama, emotion, and cultural convergence. Communication Theory vol. 12 (2002). pp. 136–152.
Kincaid, D. L. From innovation to social norm: Bounded normative influence Journal of Health Communication vol. 9 (2004). pp. 37–57.
Rogers, E. M. , & Kincaid, D. L. (1981). Communication networks: Toward a new paradigm for research. New York: Free Press.
Woelfel, J. , & Fink, E. L. (1980). The measurement of communication processes: Galileo theory and method. New York: Academic Press.


Entry Citation:
Kincaid, D. Lawrence. "Convergence Theory." Encyclopedia of Communication Theory. Ed. . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2009. 189-92. SAGE Reference Online. Web. 16 Jul. 2012.

National Pride ... Was ist Das?

"I pledge allegiance to my Flag and the Republic for which it stands, one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all."
The initial Bellamy salute (right hand extended forward, not 
pictured) might remind many readers of another (in)famous 
way to salute one's flag -- a difference that  likely sits at the 
root cause for US and German perspectives on nationalism.
Frankfurt am Main -- In August 1892, Baptist minister Francis Bellamy pinned this short passage in preparation for the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus' arrival to the Americas. Quickly reciting this passage to most US citizens will almost instantaneously result in a group recital, hands placed over the heart and eyes darting around the room for the nearest American flag.

Over the last 100+ years, the Pledge of Allegiance has become a staple of the American classroom and likewise, a staple of how many Americans treat and respond to their flag. Becker et al (2012) reviewed several studies demonstrating that for Americans, exposure to the US tends to prime feelings of intense nationalism - some of these suggesting military authority and others related to egalitarianism and humanitarianism, or as etched on the Statue of Liberty (a poem by Emma Lazarus):
Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door
While Americans are often blasted for being a bit ... err ... tacky with how they display their national pride, the simple fact is that most of them do, and displaying your national pride - to an American - is considered a perfectly acceptable thing to do (especially before our sporting events).

Shifting our attention to Germany, and the perspective is quite different. In November 2009, rock start Pete Doherty faced possible prosecution in Germany for singing the verbotten first verses of "Deutschlandlied" (the German national anthem) during a live performance in Munich [UK perspective via Guardian] [German perspective via Der Spiegel]; notably, the first and second verses are no longer used given their Nazi connotations and reinterpretations. That is, while Americans take great pride in memorizing and reciting Bellamy's classic verse, Germans largely avoid reciting Heinrich Hoffman von Fallersleben's piece - a national pride/drinking song he pinned almost 80 years before the rise (and 100 years before the fall) of Hitler's Third Reich. As best worded by blogger Rory MacLean:
"No German put his hand over his heart while singing the national anthem. No school flew the flag when Jan was a boy. ‘How did we [Germans] learn not to wave the flag?’ asked Jan, a world traveler who is nearing his 50th birthday. ‘We simply did not do it.’"
When exposed the the German flag, more patriotic Germans 
were more likely to express prejudices towards out-groups 
(non-Germans) after exposure to the German national flag. 
In fact, Becker et al. (2012) looking at the impact of national flag exposure - US and German - on a population of German adults aged 18 to 45+ actually found that exposure to the German flag elicited far more negative than positive feelings. First, their work found that when Germans were asked to list the thoughts coming to mind after seeing the rot-schwartz-gelb, those thoughts tended to be rather neutral (almost 20% of the thoughts listed were references to sports, specifically "football (soccer)"). The next most-prominent category? Nazis. Nearly 12 percent of German respondents, when viewing an image of their country's modern flag, listed "Nazi" or "Hitler" or "Third Reich" as the most prominent thought in their mind. The authors write (p. 5): "These results indicate that the German flag does not imply such positive egalitarian associations for Germans as the US flag indicates for Americans." 

Our own class discussions (from the media psychology and influence course, at least) might also give some support for these findings. From Moral Foundations Theory, we might be able to understand intercultural differences as a function of their primary view on morality. For example, Bowman et al. (2012) found that Germans tended to place far more emphasis on concerns related to harm and fairness (considered more individualizing, or liberal, facets of morality) while Americans emphasized aspects of authority, loyalty, and purity (considered more binding, or conservative, facets of morality). The article explains that these cultural differences make sense when one considers differences in the political systems of each country - such as the increased importance on social welfare in the German economic and political system.

How Aldi Nord sees the typishe Amerikaner grillen. Photo
courtesy of one of our German SPICE students. 
Consider these elements this coming Thursday, when we gather at Zitadelle Petersberg to celebrate the 4th of July - an American holiday stepped in our culture to celebrate life, liberty and the pursuit of (grilled and malted) happiness. For the past several years, SPICE has hosted a American-style BBQ with students decked out in all manner of Red, White and Blue. For many of our German colleagues, the sheer variety of clothing that is either made from, of, or in the style of the Stars and Stripes is staggering.

As you enjoy burgers and brats (with ketchup!), you might consider asking your German classmates - or any German friends you've made so far - about their views on "being German" and "advertising their 'Germanity' to the world". Some discussion points for your Monday blog (and feel free to work in notions of Face Negotiation Theory and Communication Accommodation Theory into these discussions):
  • What sort of thoughts and values do the Germans that you know associate with the German flag? How do they feel about the US flag? 
  • How do your German friends feel when their peers others proudly demonstrate strong patriotism? What sort of thoughts and feelings do they have when Americans do the same? 
  • What about you - how does the American flag make you feel? What about the German flag? How do you feel about Germans showing their national pride? How do you feel about Americans showing their national pride? 

More reading:

Becker, J. C., Enders-Comberg, A., Wagner, U., Christ, O., & Butz, D. A. (2012). Beware of national symbols: How flags can threaten intergroup relations. Social Psychology, 43(1), 3-6. doi: 10.1027/1864-9355/a0000073. [unformatted version] 

Bowman, N.D., Dogruel, L, & Joeckel, S. (2012). A question of morality? Moral salience and nationality on media preferences. Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research, 37(4), 345-369. doi: 10.1515/commun-2012-0020. [published version]

Bruges Selfie Scavenger Hunt


Erfurt, DE -- Here’s the gist. Bruges is a small but beautiful city, and despite its charm it can be challenging to find its coolest spots. So we (Dr. Jaime Banks, and myself) have designed a scavenger hunt to encourage you to explore the city’s nooks and crannies. Some are more obvious than others, but they’re all cool little bits of Bruges.

Here’s how it works. The person who finds the most items from this list wins something super awesome (rare, special, delicious), and in the case of a tie Nick and Jaime will decide the winner based on creativity -- she's not joining us this year, but I'll consult with her via social media and we'll make a decision together. For a find to ‘count’ you must take a selfie with the item you find. By 9am on Wednesday, you’ll post your batch of pictures to the SPICE Facebook group (complete with captions telling us which item it is and something cool about it … captions count for creativity too). Please be sure to upload all photos in a single post (rather than individually).

Also, for some of the items below there are ‘XP’ options (that’s gamer-speak for ‘experience points’) … these are just additional challenges to make the find even more awesome. These additional bits are completely optional, but really cool. Some clues are obvious and flexible, and some are cryptic and specific … it could be helpful to do a little research ahead of time.

An extra benefit of the hunt is that any of the items on this list are fair game as topics for your travel blog posts, so keep that in mind as you enjoy Bruges. The list? Below: 
  • “Thrice consumed and thrice rebuilded, still it watches o'er the town” -- this home of 47 bells is just 366 steps above two rebels and the site of a famous murder.
    XP for the most schoen view, alta. 
  • Two brews – one of moon and one of jester – are born here.
    XP if you get inside for a tour, but you might have to schedule this in advance.  
  • Bruges is home to chocolatiers – find a sweet that’s shades of green, or perhaps one that's a bit embarrassing.
    XP – Snap a pic of you, enjoying the treat! 
  • All o’er the town little angels abound … find three cheeky cherubs. 
  • In the U.S. doors can be bores, but Belgians entrée with more flare. Find three red doors! 
  • Bears aren’t so bad in Belgium – they'll even hold and hug beers! Find this lovely beast.
    XP – Enter his den and find the connection between the US and Belgium. 
  • In certain spots – more low than high – you’ll spy tiny doors made for the gnomes. Seek out these gateways (but don’t try to enter!) as they may not like you in their homes. 
  • Swans are plenty in Bruges city. Find three of different forms: 1) Real and live. 2) Sweet and small. 3) Statuesque.
    XP – if your live swan is photographed while on a canal cruise. 
  • Signature local foods are all of the goods … try at least one Flanders dish. XP if you do so in the Frites museum. 
  • From the west to the east, lions are beasts – but whoever knew they could be blue, and carry a cross in their feets? 
  • Churches and cathedrals rise high above the town, but for one of the more interesting ones you may want to look down. Find the ruins of a 950 AD church in the basement of a hotel. 
  • Seek out – according to your tastes – a museum that highlights treasures of this place. Take your pick from torture, beer, chocolate, art, or diamonds … or another of your choice.
    XP – Pop into the museum and make the rounds.

Not so foreign lands: First impressions of Erfurt (Guest Post)

The post below was written by Christiana Robey, one of our five West Virginia University Communication Studies students attending SPICE 2019. 

Erfurt, DE -- 
When I stepped off the plane in Frankfurt I had very few expectations because I hoped to go into this experience completely open minded. However, the first bit of culture shock I received was in the form of traffic. The roadways seemed convoluted and the drivers, both in cars around us and my bus driver, seemed to maneuver expertly around other cars, people, and bikes.

After arriving in Erfurt however, it was a breath of fresh air to find that the Erfurt students were very similar to our American group both in dress and mannerism. The tram ride towards the apartment was packed with so many different types of people from little children to the elderly and the all existing together in the seemingly peaceful harmony amidst the din of the city.

While the apartment was very basic and like ones in the US, my first underlying bias occurred when entering the grocery store close to the apartment where I expected to find a variety of foreign items, but instead I found myself easily filling my basket with items similar if not better quality than what I eat at home.

One of the biggest cultural differences I have noted in my time here is related to volume. As I already said the train and tram rides are quiet if not silent despite being regularly packed tightly with people. Restaurants, even when seated outside, remain almost muted in comparison to the clamorous crowds in the United States. Our small group has, on numerous occasions, received a disdainful stare or a not so gentle reminder that we are boisterous strangers out of place in the quiet swells of Erfurt.

Despite this many if not most people here in Erfurt are kind and will switch to English and try to communicate with our groups, especially if we look confused. Even when the language barrier remains a separation they will gesture or on occasion some shop clerks will use their hands to show prices. I read in a post from a previous SPICE participant that said Erfurt felt like their home away from home, and the longer I stay here the more I start to agree.

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Student Reflection: Comparing Berlin to Erfurt

The post below was written by Christiana Robey, one of our five West Virginia University Communication Studies students attending SPICE 2019...